By: Alan M. Dershowitz | Published: August 6th, 2014 | Re-posted with permission from
The Gatestone Institute
How many times have you heard
on television or read in the media that the Gaza Strip is “the most densely
populated area in the world”? Repeating this statement, however, does not make
it true. There are dense parts of Gaza, especially Gaza City, Beit Hanoun and
Khan Younis, but there are far less dense areas in Gaza between these cities.
Just look at Google Earth, or this population density map:
Second, why doesn’t Hamas use sparsely populated areas
from which to launch its rockets and build its tunnels? Were it to do so,
Palestinian civilian casualties would decrease dramatically, but the casualty
rate among Hamas terrorists would increase dramatically.
That is precisely why Hamas selects the most densely
populated areas from which to fire and dig. The difference between Israel and
Hamas is that Israel uses its soldiers to protect its civilians, whereas Hamas
uses its civilians to protect its terrorists. That is why most of Israeli
casualties have been soldiers and most of Hamas’ casualties have been
civilians. The other reason is that Israel builds shelters for its civilians,
whereas Hamas builds shelters only for its terrorists, intending that most of
the casualties be among its civilian shields.
The law is clear: using civilians as human shields—which
the Hamas battle manual mandates—is an absolute war crime. There are no
exceptions or matters of degree, especially when there are alternatives. On the
other hand, shooting at legitimate military targets, such as rockets and terror
tunnels is permitted, unless the number of anticipated civilian casualties is
disproportionate to the military importance of the target. This is a matter of
degree and judgment, often difficult to calculate in the fog of war. The law is
also clear that when a criminal takes a hostage and uses that hostage as a
shield from behind whom to fire at civilians or police, and if the police fire
back and kill the hostage, it is the criminal and not the policeman who is
guilty of murder. So too with Hamas: when it uses human shields and the Israeli
military fires back and kills some of the shields, it is Hamas who is
responsible for their deaths.
The third moral question is why does the United Nations
try to shelter Palestinian civilians right in the middle of the areas from
which Hamas is firing? Hamas has decided not to use the less densely populated
areas for rocket firing and tunnel digging. For that reason, the United Nations
should use these sparsely populated areas as places of refuge. Since the Gaza
Strip is relatively small, it would not be difficult to move civilians to these
safer areas. They should declare these areas battle free and build temporary
shelters—tents if necessary—as places of asylum for the residents of the
crowded cities. It should prevent any Hamas fighters, any rockets and any
tunnel builders from entering into these sanctuaries. In that way, Hamas would
be denied the use of human shields and Israel would have no reason to fire its
weapons anywhere near these United Nations sanctuaries. The net result would be
a considerable saving of lives.
But instead the UN is playing right into the hands of
Hamas, by sheltering civilians right next to Hamas fighters, Hamas weapons and
Hamas tunnels. Then the United Nations and the international community accuses
Israel of doing precisely what Hamas intended Israel to do: namely fire at its
terrorists and kill United Nations protected civilians in the process. It’s a
cynical game being played by Hamas, but it wouldn’t succeed without the
complicity of UN agencies.
The only way to assure that Hamas’ strategy of using
human shields to maximize civilian casualties is not repeated over and over
again is for the international community, and especially the United Nations,
not to encourage and facilitate it, as it currently does. International law
must be enforced against Hamas for its double war crime: using civilian human
shields to fire at civilian Israeli targets. If this tactic were to be brought
to a halt, then Israel would have no need to respond in self-defense. Applying
the laws of war to Israel alone will do no good, because any country faced with
rockets and tunnels targeting its civilians will fight back. When the fighters
and tunnel builders hide behind human shields, there will inevitably be civilian
casualties—unintended by Israel, intended by Hamas—regardless of how careful
the defenders are.
Israel has tried its hardest to minimize civilian casualties. Hamas
has tried its hardest to maximize civilian casualties. Now the United Nations
and the international community must try their hardest to become part of the solution
rather than part of the problem.
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